This result points out a need to focus not only on physical but also psychological complaints when assessing the functioning of women with lipedema . Women struggling with symptoms related to leg heaviness, pain, and swelling may have experienced not only stigma and mistreatment, but also failure in their attempts of misunderstood self-management which could put them at risk of developing depression. The ruling eliminated one of the only remaining legal grounds for abortion under Poland’s highly restrictive law and its entry into force means that there is now effectively a near-total ban on abortion in Poland. Previously, over 90 percent of the approximately 1,000 legal abortions annually performed in Poland were on this ground. The ruling came as the COVID-19 pandemic restrictions made travel for abortion care prohibitively difficult and costly. It spurred the country’s largest public protests in decades, led by women human rights defenders.
- Firstly, we must remember that women’s rights are fundamental rights, and that member countries have a duty to uphold them.
- The ruling spurred the country’s largest public protests in decades, led by women human rights defenders.
- Brussels must take immediate steps against the country’s authorities and implement measures to protect women in Poland, so they can finally enjoy the same rights as those in Belgium, France or Germany.
- The datasets used and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.
- The results indicated the higher the severity of symptoms related to pain, heaviness, and swelling the lower the quality of life, and that depression severity mediated this relationship.
- The current study provides initial information on screening questions, lipedema symptoms, and comorbidities, pointing to the areas needing in-depth investigation.
Kaja visited an online forum for women seeking abortion in Poland, and was referred to Dr. Janusz Rudzinski, a Polish doctor who has been practicing in Germany for over 35 years. Kaja called Rudzinski — known to accept women’s calls at all times of day — and he told her to come to his clinic in Prenzlau, Germany. Despite her pain, Kaja drove around 200 miles from her village in Poland to Rudzinski’s clinic across the border.
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Women participating in the protests — called the “black protests” or Black Monday — planned to skip work and wear all black. The approach was inspired by similar protests among Icelandic women in Oct. 1975, when an estimated 90% of women refused to work or do house chores to call out wage discrepancies and unfair employment practices in the country. A day before Black Monday in Poland, a video circulated of women in Iceland expressing support for the Polish protests. WARSAW, Poland — A women’s rights group in Poland on Monday urged people to demonstrate after the country’s ruling party leader claimed that Poland’s low birthrate is partly caused by young women drinking too much alcohol. The fall of communism in Poland meant the shaking up of the country’s politics and economy, as well as initial economic and social destabilization. In the post-socialist workforce, women occupied mainly sectors of lower economic priority and light industry, due to factors such as selecting for types of education and training more compatible with family life , discrimination and gender stereotypes. This pattern of gender employment inequality was viewed by the majority as the result of women’s primary role in the family, as well as deeply rooted Polish culture and the tradition of the patriarchal system.
Activists received multiple bomb and death threats in February and https://singingtreesrecovery.com/china-standards-2035-behind-beijings-plan-to-shape-future-technology/ March for their support of reproductive rights but said that, in many cases, police check it out on https://absolute-woman.com/european-women/polish-women/ minimized the security risks and either did not open investigations or failed to pursue them effectively. Police launched investigations and arrested one man in connection with online death threats to Lempart ahead of her planned appearance at a protest on October 11, and are now providing her protection at public events. Together with Malta, it is one of only two European Union Member States that has not legalized abortion on request or broad social grounds. In Poland, abortion is only permitted in situations of risk to the life or health of a pregnant woman, or if a pregnancy results from rape. In practice, however, it is almost impossible for those eligible for a legal abortion to obtain one.
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The purpose of the current study was to increase knowledge of the clinical characteristics, of women with lipedema in Poland, and their quality of life and its factors. Additionally, through this investigation our aim was to identify further directions for research and possible interventions. The results indicated the higher the severity of symptoms related to pain, heaviness, and swelling the lower the quality of life, and that depression severity mediated this relationship. Therefore, symptom management and addressing psychological functioning may play a role in improving quality of life in women with lipedema. Furthermore, there is a need for proper knowledge, diagnosis, and treatment of lipedema in Poland. Increased knowledge on the condition will allow for further studies and effective treatment (with additional focus given to self-management).
The women who participated in the study might have been either more dissatisfied with the condition than average or overly motivated and interested in the topic. The women using the social media group for support may be more active and creative in searching for solutions and may use social support more effectively than other women with lipedema. The current study provides initial information on screening questions, lipedema symptoms, and comorbidities, pointing to the areas needing in-depth investigation. – Women, girls, and all pregnant people have faced extreme barriers to accessing legal abortions in the year since a Constitutional Tribunal ruling virtually https://www.afofireballs.com/number-one-among-lovefort-dating-site-reviews-revealing-secrets/ banned legal abortion in Poland, 14 human rights organizations said today. Since the ruling, women human rights defenders have also faced an increasingly hostile and dangerous environment. We conducted a cross-sectional online survey that was completed by 98 women with lipedema.
Despite the strict legislation and conservative political discourse, http://hopnhatusa.com/2022/12/30/filipino-families/ Poland has one of the lowest fertility rates in Europe. Since the Law and Justice party came to power in 2015, Poland’s government has repeatedly moved to further curb sexual and reproductive health and rights, including by supporting a 2016 draft bill for a total abortion ban that parliament rejected following mass public protest. The government also supported a draft bill, introduced by an ultra-conservative group, to essentially criminalize comprehensive sexuality education. These bills are “civic initiatives,” which require public signatures to be considered. That sparked the largest protests in Poland in decades, which were led by Women’s Strike. There have since been cases of pregnant women dying even though a risk to the woman’s life remains a legal grounds for abortion under the current law.
In 2020 Poland’s constitutional court ruled that abortion due to fetal defects was unconstitutional. The history of women on the territory of present-day Poland has many roots, and has been strongly influenced by Roman Catholicism in Poland. Feminism in Poland has a long history, and has traditionally been divided into seven periods, beginning arguably with the 18th-century Enlightenment, followed by first-wave feminism. The first four early periods coincided with the foreign partitions of Poland, which resulted in the elimination of the sovereign Polish state for 123 years.
At the same time, the new EU economic framework, expected for 2023, should be made compatible with achieving the EU’s social and ‘green’ objectives. Finally, they raise the question whether the EU Social Imbalances Procedure and Open Strategic Autonomy paradigm could provide windows of opportunity to sustain the EU’s social ambition in the long run. Our results for the euro area and its four biggest economies—France, Italy, Germany and Spain—indicate that returning to the rules of the SGP would lead to severe cuts in public spending, particularly if the SGP rules were interpreted as in the past. A more flexible interpretation would only somewhat ease the fiscal-adjustment burden. An expenditure rule along the lines of the European Fiscal Board would, however, not necessarily alleviate that burden in and of itself.
One is provided by the Nordic states, where the doctrine of ‘total defense,’ recently revived for uncertain times, has been closely tied to the idea of a solidaristic welfare state. This has not hindered these countries from excelling in democracy, peace, and gender-equality indexes.
